Climate security sidelined at COP30

12 January 2026
Climate security sidelined at COP30


UNIDIR’s Graduate Professional Amos Benjamin participated in the UN Climate Change Conference (COP30), taking place in Belém, Brazil, from 10-21 November 2025. He shares his experience navigating the global stage where climate decisions are made, and reflects on why climate security remained absent from the agenda. 

The energy was electric. As a young Malawian stepping into COP30, I was swept into the rush: high-level delegates weaving between pavilions, back-to-back meetings, cameras flashing, conversations in dozens of languages. This was my first international conference of this calibre, the global stage where decisions shaping our present and future are being made. 

I carried the voices of young people from one of the many fragile and climate-vulnerable States, and yet the silence on climate-security issues was deafening. 

The missing link 

We expected the impacts of the climate crisis on peace and security to feature prominently on the agenda. The Pearce Sustainability Consulting Group warned that climate security remained “the missing link” in climate diplomacy.  And still, when the agenda dropped, that link was missing once again. 

There were glimmers of hope. In his opening speech, Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva referenced conflict and military spending, signaling awareness of the climate, peace and security nexus. But those signals never translated into substance. Unlike COP28 – which produced a Declaration on Climate, Relief, Recovery, and Peace – COP30 offered no Peace Day and no negotiation item on climate security. Even the celebrated Belém Declaration on Hunger and Poverty omitted any mention of displaced or conflict-affected populations. ODI Global criticized this gap, noting that fragility had been treated as context, not constituency despite clear evidence that conflict and hunger are deeply intertwined in climate-vulnerable regions. 

Youth refused the silence 

While older generations largely sidestepped the nexus, young people refused to. At the UN Climate Change Conference of Children and Youth (COY20), held in the run-up to COP, linkages between climate and conflict were brought to the table. Our collective output, the Global Youth Statement called for formal recognition of the interdependence between climate action, peace and security. For us, this is not just rhetorical; we are the ones who will live longest with the consequences of today’s inaction.  

We didn’t just analyse the problem – we offered practical solutions. The Global Centre for Climate Mobility organized a series of panel sessions to highlight climate mobility solutions from young people. Youth leaders from Uganda, Zimbabwe and Tonga offered adaptation initiatives such as capacity-building for internally displaced persons, disaster zones mapping initiatives and improving access to clean water and health care to support displaced communities. 

Then came the question that cut through the room: “How do we protect youth from being drawn into armed groups after climate-induced displacement?”, a Somali youth delegate asked. 

His question reminded me of the work carried out by UNIDIR’s Managing Exits from Armed Conflict Project. Field research from the Lake Chad Basin region and Colombia shows how climate change impacts individuals’ economic livelihoods and communities’ social structures, driving people into armed groups in search of better opportunities. Integrating climate considerations into peace programming and strengthening conflict-sensitive climate change adaptation and mitigation is key to address these multidirectional dynamics.  

Side events bridged the gap 

Thankfully, COP corridors told a different story. Side events stepped in where formal negotiations fell short. At the UN Climate Security Mechanism’s session “Bridging the Gap: Making Climate Finance Work for the Underserved”, the core message was clear: Climate finance must shift from short-term crisis response to long-term, peace-positive resilience in fragile and conflict-affected States. Speakers from fragile contexts like Somalia stressed the need for accessible, simplified financing models that actually work for countries navigating both climate impacts and instability. 
 
Similarly, I joined a discussion at the International Organization of Migration’s pavilion on the security risks emerging from climate migration across Africa. High-level panellists from the African Union, Ghana, and academia described how climate disasters push people to move, strain already fragile institutions, and expose young people to recruitment pressures. 

These conversations echoed what research has long been highlighting: climatic stresses increase the risks of instability, heighten vulnerabilities, and widen protection gaps.  

Progress, gaps and what comes next 

While COP30 will be remembered for many things, climate security may likely not be one of them. Just as some parties expressed frustration over the lack of a fossil fuel phase-out roadmap in the final text, others – myself included – were disappointed by the silence surrounding the climate, peace and security nexus. 

Yes, there has been progress. Climate migration and climate-related security risks are no longer taboo topics. Youth, civil society, and research institutions continue to push the agenda forward. But side events are not enough. Climate security risks must move from the margins to the mainstream of negotiations. 

If future COPs continue to overlook this reality, they risk crafting climate solutions that fail the people most affected. For those of us living daily at the intersection of climate fragility and insecurity, this is not an academic debate – it’s survival. 

The next COP must do better. Climate security is not a side event. 
It is the main event.